Tag Archives: Education Post

“Danger of a Racist Agenda” Exposed at Network for Public Education Conference

April 19, 2016

Last weekend, seeking a boost from like-minded education friends and writers, I attended the third annual Network for Public Education (NPE) conference in Raleigh, North Carolina–ground zero for this country’s insistence on clinging to a “Leave it to Beaver” fantasy of what it means to be an American. (NPE put out a pre-conference statement about North Carolina’s recent discriminatory legislation, making it clear that the organization stands in opposition to it.)

The conference started with a bang, thanks to North Carolina’s rising orator, Reverend William Barber. He gave the opening keynote address on Saturday morning, and roused the crowd with the kind of clarity he is famous for–mostly as it pertains to calling out “white, Southern Strategy politics” and other pernicious paths to power.

Taming the wild things…

Barber’s framework for education justice sidesteps the market-based reform movement’s narrow adherence to “standards, accountability, and choice,” and instead insists on staring racism, inequality and historic educational injustice right in the eyes. (This reminds me of Bill Moyers’ great interview with Maurice Sendak about his book, Where the Wild Things Are, and its main character, Max, who “tamed the wild things by staring into their yellow eyes without blinking once.”)

Barber told the crowd of around 400 conference goers about his first-hand experience with racist, segregated schools in North Carolina, and he reflected on the “current political climate in far too many places, where people are downright hostile to public education.” Yes, Barber acknowledged, public education is dysfunctional and troubled in some places, but he insisted there is more to today’s anti-public education climate than ground-level failures.

If we are going to deal with public education, Barber said, we have to be “willing to be quite frank about how racism always gets in the way of us meeting the noble goals of education.” Access to a public education is guaranteed by North Carolina’s constitution, Barber told the crowd, but this guarantee has been historically undermined by racist, fear-based “extremist attacks on public education.”

Sometimes, Barber said, he gets confused when describing past actions against tax increases from people who were directly opposed to supporting public education for all, because it reminds him so much of contemporary protests against paying taxes to support “failing” public schools.”The first cries to cut taxes in this country came in direct relationship to opening up public education to all people, regardless of their race,” Barber expounded, his voice rising with passion and emphasis. “We have to learn this history, and understand this history,” he insisted, calling it the “challenge of our democracy.” 

Reverend Barber

We have to learn our “ugly history,” Barber told the crowd, if we are going to go forward. 

Barber’s call to conscience provided the perfect backdrop to the NPE conference, where sessions about such things as the demise of the African-American teacher, the rise of student-led protests, and the need to get involved in local elections offered both hope and heartache. I learned the most from listening to parents like Ashana Bigard and Karran Harper Royal, from New Orleans, describe the profound impact the top down reform movement is having on their city.

I cannot shake, for example, Bigard’s stories of New Orleans parents with multiple kids, who all have to attend different schools–thanks to a “unified” enrollment system that, supposedly, throws kids’ names into a computer algorithm, and then spits out a match for each kid. This is sold as a better, more equitable system for assigning schools (there are virtually no neighborhood schools left in New Orleans; only a scattershot landscape of charters), but Bigard questioned why all of the city’s white, middle class kids seem to be concentrated in a handful of “good” schools.

Both Bigard and Harper Royal also talked about this reality: there are thousands of New Orleans kids are on the streets, without a job or a diploma to give them hope. Perhaps we should just think of them as collateral damage in our war on “failing” public schools.

There were signs of success at the NPE conference, too. A panel on community schools included perspectives from Austin, Texas middle school principal, Raul Sanchez, and John Jackson of the Boston-based Schott Foundation. Sanchez has embraced a wrap-around model for his school, which serves a high number of homeless and immigrant kids. More than this, Sanchez described and seems to embody the kind of servant leadership that can bring a community together. Jackson, too, has stayed true to a model of school reform that seeks to embrace and support students and teachers–and not pit them against one another in a battle for resources and test scores.

On the flip side, I also spent time listening to a “spirited conversation” between Jennifer Berkshire (Edushyster) and Peter Cunningham, a former federal department of education employee now paid to run billionaire reformer Eli Broad’s $12 million “Education Post” website. I admire Berkshire for being willing to dance with the devil, so to speak, and both she and NPE were right to leave the door open to people with differing points of view.

But Cunningham disappointed. I imagine he was uncomfortable at NPE, especially when positioned in a room full of deeply invested teachers, parents, and activists; this perhaps explains some of the oddly one-dimensional angles he clung to. Example: a rumpled-looking father from Seattle poured his heart out to Cunningham during a question and answer session, asking for Cunningham’s thoughts on Bill Gates’ (and others’) repeated, money-dripping attempts to bring charters to Washington state. Eh, that’s just democracy, Cunningham shrugged. People with more money can make things go their way.

I’d say this response was just Cunningham playing coy before an unfriendly audience. But then there is his website, Education Post. There, he clearly has the platform and the paycheck to bring about a “better conversation” about education, as Education Post promises. Instead, the website seems to have done little but spawn a hate brigade of social media activists, whose talent for mean-tweeting and harassing behavior is as copious as it is offensive. I won’t name names, but I will suggest that Cunningham use some of Education Post’s munificent resources on an in-house bullying workshop.

In the end, no false front of school choice or obsession with every kid’s test score will allow us to avoid the historic and current exploitation of our most marginalized populations. And nothing–no silver bullet or forward-thinking strategy–will, alone, be able to overcome the deep disinvestment in public education, social services, and working people that has been going on for decades now, filling our prisons, privatizing our schools and parks, and throwing more and more children into poverty and crisis. Or, in the words of Chicago teacher Monique Redeaux-Smith:

“This idea of accountability with no resources is a setup.”

As Reverend Barber said, too, “You cannot say you love children and then fight investment in their lives, and investment in their teachers, and investment in their schools. That is hypocrisy.”

No grant, no guru, no outside funding source. My work is entirely funded by my very kind and generous readers. Thank you to those who have already donated!

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Spooky! Beware of Scripted Education Debates…

October 27, 2015

How can you tell that the 2015 election is coming, and the 2016 one is not far off? By counting all of the anti-union opinion pieces and editorials floating around, of course.

Case in point: the Sunday, October 25 Opinion section of the Minneapolis StarTribune prominently featured a rail against “fundamentalist” teachers unions and their allies, written by former fundamentalist (by birth, we are told) and current “progressive” proponent of education reform, Lynnell Mickelsen.

Mickelsen’s piece, titled “Political rigidity? The left has it too,” seeks to rip teachers unions and the Democrats that support them–unquestioningly, of course–for, yawn, being, double yawn, opposed to anything that challenges their union-loving worldview. 

Still awake? Good, there’s more.

Mickelsen stirringly provides a list of why teachers union supporters (because that’s what they are, of course–nothing more, nothing less) are like fundamentalists. Mostly, it boils down to this: teachers unions and their blind followers are narrow-minded and simplistic, hate change, are old and racist, and will do anything to destroy charter schools.

Here’s an example, from Mickelsen’s piece (capitalization pattern is hers):

“Teachers’ unions are basically claiming Public Schools Are Between A Union and Its District, so any change in this tradition — i.e., charter schools — is an attempt to destroy public education.”

Mickelsen, who is an entertaining writer and a fellow education and school board meeting devotee, also decries the way Minnesota’s state teachers union, Education Minnesota, shamelessly funds Democratic candidates and thus exercises mind control over the party faithful:

Education Minnesota is the largest contributor to Democratic candidates and causes. It sets the tone and parameters of our education debates, which, among elected Democrats, are now predictably rigid and scripted — and this concerns a program that consumes 42 percent of the state’s operating budget, affects hundreds of thousands of children and has shamefully racialized results.

Speaking of “predictably rigid and scripted” education debates, Mickelsen’s piece originally showed up on former U.S. Department of Education employee Peter Cunningham’s blog, Education Post.

Education Post was launched just one year ago, with an impressive $12 million in cold, hard, conversation-starting cash. The goal? Providing a space, funded by old billionaire white guys like Eli Broad, to have a “better” conversation about education and how it should be done for poor children of color.

The bummer? It has since struggled to attract readers, leading Cunningham to recently send an email blast to his supporters, advising them on how to Tweet together and otherwise act as a united front:

When we all start sharing together more consistently, we’ll send a strong signal to our followers and friends, the media and the blogosphere, that we want to see more stories that show the positive difference we are making in the lives of children.

There it is! The “sharing together more consistently” thing! Just a few days before Mickelsen’s piece comparing union supporters to fundamentalists hit the fan, Cunningham published a near replica, called “The Best Hope for Teachers Unions is…Reform.”

Cunningham’s pro-“get tough” reform piece appeared on both his Huffington Post site and on Education Post, in a coordinated campaign sort of way.

I’m not sure if the two were comparing notes, but Cunningham’s piece strongly resembles Micklesen’s. Or maybe it’s the other way around. In any case, both pieces harp on remarkably similar (and familiar) points of view: charter schools are amazing, teachers unions are toxic and antiquated, and school choice is the yellow brick road to redemption.

Cunningham’s piece nicely sets the union-bashing stage for Mickelsen’s, through claims such as these:

Charter opponents like to label education leaders who are empowering families’ right to choose as “privatizers.” In their dictionary, public means “union-controlled” and any variation is the enemy.

And here is a similar snippet from Mickelsen’s piece:

In the union narrative, reformers aren’t just wrong about educational policy — they must have evil intent. So reformers are typically cast as vague “corporatists” hellbent on the equally vague profiteering from or privatizing of public schools.

Okay, I’m starting to see a rigid, scripted debate forming….

Here’s another tidbit from Cunningham’s post:

Teacher unions, who need unionized teachers and dues in order to exist, are fighting desperately to convince parents to stay with the traditional, district-run schools. But rather than appealing to parents on the strength of the education that traditional schools offer, their strategy primarily focuses on limiting funding for charters,capping their growth or organizing their teachers to join a union.

To quote Mickelsen’s piece, “I could keep listing common traits, but you get the idea.”

In short, unions are really, really bad, charter schools are really, really good, and anyone who disagrees with either of these points of view is a “fundie” not worth listening to.

In contrast, here are a couple of paragraphs worth considering, from New York professor Christopher Bonastia’s 2015 article, “The Racist History of the Charter School Movement”:

By all appearances, charters will remain on the educational landscape for the foreseeable future. While charter skeptics can’t merely wish them away, they can push for greater accountability—after all, isn’t this the whole point of charters? Anyone who blindly accepts that competition will improve education for students in charters and traditional public schools alike should remember that other articles of faith about the market—like cutting taxes on the rich will make all of our yachts and rafts rise—have proven illusory.

…There is no magic elixir that will fix our educational system. Of course, we should continue to be open to fresh ideas about improving school organization, teaching and learning. But if we continue to ignore important historical lessons about the dangerous consequences of educational privatization and fail to harness our desire to plunge headlong into unproven reform initiatives, we may discover that the cure we so lovingly embraced has made the patient sicker.

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